Feature geometry meets contrastive specification

Incomplete neutralization reloaded

I propose an analysis of the interaction between vowel lengthening before voiced obstruents and final devoicing in two languages: Friulian and Breton. I argue that such interactions are transparent and involve a three-way laryngeal contrast formalized geometrically, with true voiceless obstruents the most structurally complex and devoiced ones least. The Friulian analysis was later published here and the Breton was largely incorporated into the thesis.

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Incomplete neutralization and unorthodox markedness in Breton laryngeal phonology →